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RIAC, Institute of China and Contemporary Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences and Institute of International Studies at Fudan University Report #94 / 2024 RIAC, Institute of China and Contemporary Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences and Institute of International ...
... constitute by far the most important and the most fundamental difference in Russia’s and India’s takes on the Asian security agenda. The challenge for the Russian leadership is how to balance its rapidly expanding foreign policy and defence ties to China and the stated commitment to an inclusive collective security system in Asia. The challenge for the Indian leadership is how to balance its growing engagement with the United States and its ambitions to play a more central role in Eurasian security matters. These challenges are likely to have a lasting impact on Russia’s and India’s foreign policy agendas and might also affect their bilateral relations. Potential participants to the system Gleb Makarevich: Inventing Eurasia: ...
... “Russian-Chinese Dialogue: 2024 model” roundtable was held at the Rossiya Segodnya Agency Press Centre. The event was attended by Andrey Kortunov, Academic Director of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC), Kirill Babaev, Director of the Institute of China and Contemporary Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences (ICCA RAS), RIAC member, Xu Changzhi, Deputy Secretary General of the Council for Strategic Cooperation between China and Russia of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Artem Pylin,...
... mutual trade indicators, will be able to acquire systemic significance for the multipolar world order only if it is used to form and develop multilateral institutions. First of all, this concerns Eurasia—the space in immediate proximity to Russia and China. The most optimal format for dialogue on issues related to both the formation of the Eurasian security architecture and the economic development of the Eurasian region is the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The SCO was conceived as a forum for communication between Russia, China and the five Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, ...
... is that India is not in a vacuum, being an integral part of a complex subregional security architecture marked by military and political confrontation between two regional powers (India and Pakistan) and the involvement of external players, primarily China and the United States. To evaluate how viable the Russian leadership’s concept of Eurasian security is in the South Asian context, let us consider each of the principles laid out. Principle one: no objections According to the Russian leadership’s idea, the parameters of the future security system should be coordinated with all stakeholders ...
... between Russia and the West should look like. This is true for both indivisible and cooperative security. They remained a hoped-for but unfulfilled possibility in relations with the West but have received a second historic chance in today’s ties with China. А continent-wide Eurasian security framework should be resilient and guided by the principles of equality and indivisibility. Cooperative security ticks these boxes. The substance can vary. It depends on the priority threat that the region has. This threat is currently ...
Policy Brief #52/2024 Policy Brief #52/2024 The role of Central Asian countries in regional and global political processes has increased significantly recently. Russia and China have contributed to this growth more than any other extra-regional player, diversifying their trade and economic ties with Central Asian countries, demonstrating an interest in strengthening their “sustainable security.” At the same time, the ...
... organization will have a member that regards the problem of regional terrorism and extremism as relevant but not as urgent as for most other regional players. In addition, a certain difference in the assessment of the SCO’s significance by Russia and China is apparent. For Russia, the SCO’s potential for Eurasian security is largely linked to its anti-Western discourse and forming a united front with China, India, and possibly Iran. The SCO, while failing to offer a consolidated position on the Russian special operation in Ukraine, still “tunes away ...
... different principles and foundations. First of all, the new structure should be based on the interaction of several players and not be reduced to the dominance of one of them, like the US role in NATO. In this sense, it is symbolic that consultations on the Eurasian security issues began precisely between Russia and China—two major powers and permanent members of the UN Security Council. Thus, the very first steps in creating a new structure are already taking place on the principles of dialogue and the distribution of responsibility, rather than in accordance ...
| U.S. wants to establish partnership relations with Russia on condition that it meets the U.S. requirements |
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| U.S. wants to deter Russia’s military and political activity |
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| U.S. wants to dissolve Russia |
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| U.S. wants to establish alliance relations with Russia under the US conditions to rival China |
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